Sep 16, 2002 6 min read

RAMALLAH, West Bank (AP) – Many Palestinians say they no longer are willing to put up with Yasser Arafat’s absolute rule – a turning point in the history of a people largely shaped by one man. The challenge is led by Arafat loyalists, raising for the first time the possibility that he may have to give up some power – though his ability to survive and outwit his opponents is legendary.

Although the issue driving the current rebellion is official corruption and mismanagement, it also is clear that there is growing dissatisfaction – often only hinted at – with the handling of two years of violence with Israel that have left the Palestinian territories in ruins.

Arafat’s growing vulnerability was exposed last week when parliament, led by lawmakers from his Fatah movement, forced his Cabinet to resign.

Fatah members and even some in Arafat’s inner circle now demand openly that he share power by appointing a prime minister, an idea backed by the United States.

“This is the time for change, and he should accept this change,” said Ahmed Abdel Rahman, a senior Arafat adviser.

An August poll suggests that a large majority of Palestinians – 69 percent – want a prime minister, while as many as 44 percent want Arafat turned into a figurehead.

Just a year ago, talk about Arafat relinquishing some power would have been inconceivable.

He was still a key player, courted by world leaders trying to broker a Mideast cease-fire, while at home he controlled even the tiniest details of government.

Israel believes it triggered the change by confining him to his West Bank headquarters beginning in December and persuading the United States to shun him.

The boycott has turned Arafat into a lonely prisoner. He receives some delegations and the occasional envoy from the European Union or United Nations, but the steady stream of foreign ministers to his Ramallah compound has stopped.

Left with little to do – especially on curfew days when Israeli troops shut down the entire town – Arafat reads, looks out the window or encourages switchboard operators to put through calls from ordinary Palestinians offering advice or seeking help.

Many Palestinians say the humiliation of their leader is counterproductive and will only boost his standing: 34 percent told pollsters they would vote for him again in Jan. 20 elections – far more than supported anyone else – and that support is expected to increase if no serious challenger emerges.

Yet the ultimatum issued to the Palestinians in June by President Bush – replace Arafat or forget about statehood – seems to have had an effect.

Abdel Rahman, the Arafat adviser, said Palestinians must realize that as long as the world has no faith in their leadership, there will be no progress toward independence.

With unusual candor, he said the Palestinians “crossed red lines” with suicide bombing attacks on Israeli civilians during the current conflict.

Under these circumstances, Arafat must make a sacrifice for his people and allow a prime minister to take over some government affairs, Abdel Rahman said.

The reasons for the rebellion are complex, and not all Arafat critics are crusaders for democracy. For example, some legislators who refused to approve the Cabinet last week simply were settling personal scores with ministers.

The consensus issue among Arafat critics is official corruption, which many say Arafat condones as a way of maintaining control.

The seemingly more pressing problem – the dead end Palestinians have reached in two years of fighting with Israel – rarely is mentioned, even though life in the West Bank and Gaza Strip has been paralyzed by Israeli military offensives responding to attacks on Israeli civilians.

Israel is blamed almost exclusively for the hardships and many Palestinians are reluctant to criticize Arafat’s handling of the conflict since that might amount to admitting defeat.

In the past two years, Arafat has zigzagged between pleasing militants and moderates.

He has not moved forcefully to prevent attacks on Israelis – Israel says he even encouraged them – while sending emissaries to truce talks.

“The Palestinian policy has become impossible to understand,” said Qadoura Fares, a Fatah legislator. “I don’t want to defend Arafat, but there are very bad advisers. They are not credible in running the policy.”

Some say they do not want to criticize Arafat directly because he already is under attack by Israel and the United States and, as a unifying symbol of the Palestinian people, will have to preside over the transition to democracy.

“He is needed to change the system,” legislator Hanan Ashrawi said.

The creation of the new prime minister’s post, which would require parliament amending the basic law, is considered the key instrument of that change. It would allow Arafat to stay on as a figurehead without losing face.

Fatah’s candidate for prime minister is Mahmoud Abbas, Arafat’s deputy in the PLO and considered a pragmatic leader.

Abbas and several other officials have maintained a back channel with the Israelis and is expected to meet with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in the coming days.

Support for the idea of a prime minister is snowballing among many legislators and other key figures, including Parliament Speaker Ahmed Qureia.

Yet most want to avoid an open confrontation with Arafat, who resists the idea of sharing power and is still fuming over his failure last week to get his Cabinet approved.

Qureia, for example, said he would not initiate the change without Arafat’s blessing.

Other said they need stronger encouragement at home and abroad to keep trying to persuade Arafat.

Abdel Rahman said the United States should come out more strongly in favor of the idea.

“I need that from the United States – immediately,” he said, noting that one opportunity would present itself Tuesday when senior officials from the United States, the United Nations, the European Union and Russia meet in New York to review Palestinian reform efforts.

Charles Hunter, spokesman for the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem, said Palestinians would have to make their own decisions, but the United States would like to see “people in positions of authority who will take responsibility for pushing through the reforms.”

Islamic militant groups, Arafat’s most ardent critics, are staying on the sidelines in their traditional boycott of the Palestinian Authority and parliament, both formed through peace agreements with Israel that the militants oppose.

Ordinary Palestinians, though, overwhelmingly support reforms.

“It’s time (for Arafat) to think what his people really need, and not what the few around him need,” said Hatem Hamdiyeh, 38, a teacher from Gaza City.

Arafat should recognize his limitations, said Omar Aldeiri, 46, a teacher from Nablus.

“Arafat is a great man and a historical leader, but he is not good for running a government,” Aldeiri said.

But skepticism prevails. In the August poll by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, only 34 percent believed reforms would be made. The poll among 1,320 Palestinians had an error margin of 3 percentage points.